Inside:  Current projects in the Valley of the Kings, Steve’s meeting with the new head of the Supreme Council of Antiquities, and a picture of KV64 you will not see anywhere else!

Em Hotep:  How did you happen to be on the site of KV64 to take this photograph?

The newly-discovered tomb KV64 (left) next to KV40 (right). KV64 was discovered during routine clearing of debris by a team from the University of Basel in their work to document uninscribed tombs in the Valley of the Kings (photo by Steve Cross)

Steve Cross:  The photo was taken from the path along the cliff top above the Valley.  This was for the study I was doing on the ancient workmen’s huts which required me to walk all the paths and photograph and map the huts.  I had special permission to photograph from the Director of the West Bank.

Stephen Cross

Em Hotep:  What is the current policy on photography in the Valley of the Kings?

Steve Cross:  Photography outside and inside the tombs in the Valley is still banned I’m afraid.  I did mention this to [Dr. Mohamed el Bialy] the new head of the SCA saying it was bad for tourism and he said he is thinking of stopping the ban.  The ban on photography inside tombs will of course remain.

Close up of KV64 (left) and KV40 (right)—before being identified as a tomb in its own right, KV64 was simply called KV40b (Photo by Steve Cross)

Em Hotep:  Is there anything you can share with us about the work going on around KV64?  Elsewhere in the Valley?

Steve Cross:  The University of Basel is investigating all uninscribed tombs in the Valley, a very necessary task that has been a long time in coming.  During this work surface clearing is taking place which is how they discovered KV64.  My specific interest is that more workmen’s huts are also being uncovered.  As many of the groups of huts can be dated, they are invaluable for working out the stratigraphy of the Valley.

Detail of KV64 (photo by Steve Cross)

A Finnish Mission is also excavating the Village de Repose at the top of the col between the Valley and Deir el Medina.

Sarcophagus of Merenptah (photo by Hajor)

Edwin Brock and Lyla Brock are also working in KV8, Merenptah, re-constructing and photographing the sarcophagus.  This must be an immensely satisfying task!

KV34, Tuthmosis III, is unfortunately closed for restoration.  (My favourite tomb!)

Em Hotep:  You mentioned that you had an opportunity to speak with Dr. Mohamed el Bialy, the new Director of the Supreme Council of Antiquities.  What is your impression?  Did he speak about the near and distant future of work in Egypt?

Dr. Mohamed el Bialy

Steve Cross:  Dr. Bialy is a lovely man.  He is also a scholar, he was director of the West Bank, then Aswan, and he has also excavated in his own right, e.g. the clearance of KV42.  I had a very good chat with him and he stated that no one man now has the power to make a decision, anything now must go to the committee in Cairo.  He toured the East and West Bank monuments and I think we will see some changes for the better now.  I believe that archaeology in Egypt can now return to normal scientific work.

Obviously the state of the country is still in flux and plans for the future must wait until after the elections and a new government has also been elected.

Em Hotep:  Can you tell us about any current project s you have going on?

Entrance stairs to KV34 (photo by Hajor)

Steve Cross:  Yes, writing!  Always writing!  Is it not funny that a few seasons excavating can lead to years of study, and writing it up?  After all, there is no point in excavating unless it is published for all.  I just finished a paper on the workmen’s huts and it’s off to the journal.  This was the purpose of my last trip to Luxor.  I’m also working on another paper on just how arduous it was to cut a royal tomb, but this is on the back burner for now.  To be honest, in some ways the workers who made the tomb interest me more than the kings, their lives and working practices.  I would love to see the huts reproduced in a side wadi with men performing the tasks the ancients did in making a tomb, mixing plaster, grinding inks, filling lamps etc.  Perhaps even cutting of a sample tomb?

There is a section off cliff face to the west (right) of the staircase up to KV34 that is fractured across its bottom and is in danger of falling.  The SCA asked if it could be saved as it is full of ancient graffiti.  I am working on this and will try to get the World Monument Fund involved.

Em Hotep:  Can you tell us anything about future plans you have?

Steve Cross:  I have been asked to write a chapter for new book on the Valley that will be published next year.  I am currently collecting the research for this.

And one day, Inshalla!  I hope to excavate again in the Valley!

Stephen is a member of the Egypt Exploration Society, The Geologist’s Association (UK), the Merseyside Archaeological Society and the Liverpool Geologist’s Association. He writes and lectures on the Valley of the Kings. He was an advisor to the SCA excavations in the Central Area and KV8 digs, 2008/09 seasons.

For a the full-sized untouched photo of KV64 click here

Copyright by Keith Payne, 2012.  All rights reserved.

All pictures of KV64 are used with permission and are the sole property of Steve Cross, copyright by Steve Cross, 2012, all rights reserved.  Photos “Sarcophagus of Merenptah-KV8” and “Entrance to KV34” by Hajor are used in accordance with the Creative Commons share alike license.

As always, these are not typical bloggers (have I mentioned how much I dislike that marginalizing term, blogger?), these are folks who are thoughtful, critical, analytical, and who often have direct channels to the primary sources.  Don’t forget to check out the comments sections, as this is where the story tends to develop.  And you have my word that these kind people will welcome your comments and questions as well.

• Egyptological:  Tomb K64 in the Valley of the Kings – The Story as it Broke by Kate Phizackerley

• Luxor News:  KV64 – Breaking News 22nd Dynasty tomb by Jane Akshar

• Egyptology News:  More re: new VOK discovery by Andie Byrnes

• News From the Valley of the Kings:  KV64 is the Tomb of Ni Hms Bastet by Kate Phizackerley

• Egyptians:  KV 64 Found? By Tim Reid

(Kate gets two entries because VoK is her bailiwick)

But in the early part of the New Kingdom the God’s Wife and the Divine Adoratrice were two separate offices within the temple hierarchy at Karnak, which can cause some confusion when exploring the history of these unique institutions.  This article will endeavor to disentangle this relationship as we seek to understand what these two offices were and how they came to be merged into a single position, or at least a single career track.

Note:  At the end of the last article in this series, The God’s Wives of Amun – Royal Women and Power Politics in the Eighteenth Dynasty, I said that this article would also cover the details of the Donation Stele and exactly what was endowed to the House of the Adoratrice.  After some revision it became clear that these were two separate articles.  The properties of the House of the Adoratrice will be explored in Part 2: The Demesne of the God’s Wife.  This present article will focus on the parallel development of the God’s Wife and the Divine Adoratrice, as well as the House of the Adoratrice as an institution.

At first it seems a little convoluted.  During the New Kingdom Period, the God’s Wife (Hemet Netjer) and the Divine Adoratrice (Duat Netjer) were two different positions within the temple hierarchy.  But the House of the Adoratrice (Per Duat) was not the estate of the Divine Adoratrice, who had no estate of her own, it was instead the estate of the God’s Wife.  That is sort of like calling Buckingham Palace the house of the Prime Minister while only allowing the Queen to live there!

To make matters even more confusing, while the offices of God’s Wife and Divine Adoratrice were two separate offices, they could be held by the same person—sometimes the God’s Wife was also a Divine Adoratrice.  At other times she seems to have started off as a Divine Adoratrice, only to become the God’s Wife later, a sort of God’s Wife in-training.

But sense can be made of all of this if we keep in mind that the periods of evolution (and de-evolution) of the offices of God’s Wife and Divine Adoratrice are tied to the changing statuses of women in ancient Egypt.  When the social status of women improved, their positions within the ecclesiastical hierarchy became more specialized and empowered.  When their status diminished their titles became more generalized and their duties less prestigious. 

The House of the Adoratrice and the wealth and influence that came with it was a means for royal women to act with some autonomy and exert some influence over religious and political matters.  Women were able to possess property in ancient Egypt, and royal women possessed wealth of their own.  And as we shall see, women were able to hold religious offices at different times.  But it is not until the God’s Wife of Amun and the House of the Adoratrice that women held both wealth and political and religious power at the same time, independent of the temple and palace.

As later pharaohs attempt to curb this power, the status of the God’s Wife as High Priestess and consort to Amun becomes secondary to her status as the mother and wife of the king.  In other words, as the status of women diminishes, the God’s Wife is no longer defined in terms of her office and influence, but rather in terms of her relationship to the pharaoh.    

Of course, the story of the God’s Wives of Amun cannot be reduced simply to gender politics, and ultimately the convergence of God’s Wife and Divine Adoratrice into a single office is not a sign of a loss of power, but instead marks a phase when the office becomes second only to the pharaoh.  But keeping the subplot of gender politics in mind makes the rest of the story, and the motivations of some of the players, a lot easier to follow.

Holy Women from the Old Kingdom to the New Kingdom

Egyptian temples were not simply religious institutions, they were also the local cultural center, the community college, the office of social services, and the court of law.  As such, they employed a very large staff with a wide variety of non-priestly jobs.  Written and visual accounts of temple life show that women filled many of these roles from the earliest days of Egypt’s history.

A Fourth Dynasty princess and priestess named Nefertiabet making offerings (Photo by Jon Bodsworth)

At least as early as the Old Kingdom Period there were women who also held clerical positions within the temples, although usually as priestesses of female deities, particularly Hathor and Neith.  Richard H. Wilkinson observes that there were some notable exceptions to this rule—occasionally royal women were known to have held positions as priestesses in temples of Thoth and Ptah and within the funerary cults of kings, and may have performed the same duties as the male priests (P. 93). 

Beginning late in the First Intermediate Period and early in the Middle Kingdom Period we begin to see more specialized roles for women in temples.  As we discussed in The God’s Wives of Amun – Royal Women and Power Politics in the Eighteenth Dynasty, the Tenth Dynasty saw the emergence of the position of God’s Wife in temples where particular deities were venerated as creator gods.  The God’s Wives of this period were non-royal women, which indicates that this improved status reached beyond the royalty, extending at least as far as noblewomen. 

Other titles for women within the temple hierarchy begin to appear at this time as well, such as Watcher of the God (Wereshy-Netjer) and wabet, the female counterpart of the wab priests.  Wab priests carried out various tasks such as purifications, overseeing the lay-staff, and carrying the ceremonial barque which housed the statue of the god.  The wabet priestesses were probably not given this latter task, but would have held influential positions in the middle management of the temple.

By the Twelfth Dynasty even the Priestesses of Hathor seem to disappear (Photo by Guillaume Blanchard)

But as the Middle Kingdom approaches the Second Intermediate Period, the role of women in religion begins a gradual decline.  It would be a mistake to attribute this to general instability, as Egypt remained pretty stable throughout the Twelfth and even Thirteenth Dynasties.  But by the middle of the Twelfth Dynasty even the Priestesses of Hathor, an ancient and well-established institution, had practically disappeared. 

Wilkinson suggest this may have been due in part to changing attitudes regarding childbirth and menstruation as being “impure,” but notes that it could just as easily reflect general societal changes during that time (p. 93).  Either way, the loss of status was reflected in the virtual disappearance of female titles in temple administration during the Second Intermediate Period.  Specific titles for women in the temples were largely replaced with the catchall of shemayet—chantress (Wilkinson, pp. 93-4).

The Divine Adoratrice and God’s Wife of Amun in the New Kingdom

Pharaoh Ahmose I, the Great Reformer (Photo by Keith Schengili-Roberts)

With Ahmose I’s restoration (and reformation) of the institution of the God’s Wife at the beginning of the New Kingdom we see a triumphant return of women to professional religious life.  This elevation in status again reached beyond royal women and extended to noblewomen.  There was an increasing revival of specialized roles for women in temple functions, and one of the new titles was that of Divine Adoratrice.  According to Anneke Bart, 

The divine adoratrix was a priestess ranking slightly below the God’s Wife and she may have served as a deputy or stand in for the God’s Wife…The position of divine adoratrix could be held by non-royal women as well.  (Ancient Egypt:  God’s Wife of Amun)

Reproduction of a tomb painting of the Divine Adoratrice Seniseneb (Painting by Norman de Garis Davies, courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art)

While this may indicate a change in status for upper-class women, it should not be viewed independently as evidence that the lot of women in general had improved.  While not necessarily of royal blood, the Divine Adoratrices were high-ranking temple officers and invariably came from influential families usually associated with the temple.  An Adoratrice named Seniseneb, for example, was the daughter of Hapuseneb, a High Priest of Amun and vizier of Hatshepsut.  Another Eighteenth Dynasty Adoratrice, Maetka, was the wife of the Head Goldsmith of Amun (Bart, God’s Wife of Amun).  

Other temples and deities had Divine Adoratrices of their own, also drawn from the ranks of the religious and political nobility. One such noblewoman was Hui, an Adoratrice of the gods Atum and Re (as well as Amun), and the mother of Merytre-Hatshepsut, herself a God’s Wife of Amun and the queen of Thutmose III (Bryan, 2003, p. 6; 2000, p. 248).  Another was Tey, who was an Adoratrice of Min and may have been a wife of Pharaoh Ay (Dodson and Hilton, p. 151-3; 157).

Do not call me queen—Pharaoh (formerly God’s Wife) Hatshepsut (Photo by Jon Bodsworth)

During the second half of the Eighteenth Dynasty the pharaohs sought to put limitations on the office of the God’s Wife, most likely in response to Hatshepsut, who had utilized the authority and wealth that came with the position and its estate to support her ascent to pharaohood.  By the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty, pharaohs were choosing their wives outside of the royal line and the position of God’s Wife disappears altogether for several generations.

The absence of [royal] wives might be considered a conscious rejection of the dynastic role played by princesses as queens and ‘god’s wives of Amun’ from the establishment of the dynasty through to the reign of Hatshepsut.  Perhaps Thutmose III and Amenhotep II now realized that queens like Hatshepsut, who represented the dynastic family, could be dangerous if they were too wealthy and powerful.  (Bryan, 2000, p. 253).

Regardless of what the underlying motivation may have been, the last clearly attested God’s Wife from the Eighteenth Dynasty is Tia’a, the mother of Thutmose IV.

It is unclear if other female positions within the temple hierarchy suffered a comparable loss of prestige, although the position of Divine Adoratrice does seem to have remained active.  The aforementioned Adoratrice Maetka held office during the reign of Amenhotep III, even though the office of God’s Wife was apparently vacant.  Lacking the power of the God’s Wife, the Adoratrices may have simply not posed enough of a threat to warrant the unwelcome attention of the pharaoh.

God’s Wife and Queen, Mut-Tuya (Photo by Jon Bodsworth)

The Eighteenth Dynasty comes to a close with the death of Pharaoh Horemheb, who dies without a blood-heir.  The throne goes to Horemheb’s vizier, Ramesses I, whose short reign marks the beginning of a new dynasty and what is called the Ramesside Period, which spans the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties.  The Nineteenth Dynasty also sees the return of a clearly attested God’s Wife of Amun—Sitre, Ramesses I’s Great Royal Wife and the mother of Pharaoh Seti I.  Seti’s own wife and mother of Ramesses II, Mut-Tuya, likewise becomes a God’s Wife of Amun.

The Ramesside Years and the Third Intermediate Period

Queen Duatentopet, Divine Adoratrice, but not God’s Wife (Drawing by Lepsius Denkmahler)

The offices of God’s Wife and Divine Adoratrice seem to have remained separate institutions throughout the Ramesside Period.  Queen Duatentopet, wife of Ramesses IV and mother of Ramesses V, held the title of Adoratrice but is nowhere attributed with the title of God’s Wife.  On the other hand, a daughter of Ramesses VI, Iset, is attested as an Adoratrice on a stele from Coptos and as a God’s Wife on a block from the Karnak temple complex (See Bart, God’s Wife of Amun).  This seems to indicate that the two offices were still distinct from one another.

Iset was followed as God’s Wife by Tyti, believed to have been the queen of Ramesses X.  Tyti did not hold the title of Divine Adoratrice, which also seems to indicate that the two offices had not yet become fused into one.  But changes were underway that would once again affect the status of the God’s Wife, and which would eventually lead to a redefinition of the Divine Adoratrice as well. 

The hawkish young Ramesses II—great at leading armies, not so great with the royal budget (Photo by Jon Bodsworth)

During the early Nineteenth Dynasty the Ramesside Pharaohs enjoyed a continuation of the stability and prosperity established by the Thutmosid kings of the Eighteenth.  But military campaigns, particularly those of Ramesses II, would take their toll on the royal coffers, and midway through the dynasty rivalry between Pharaoh Merneptah’s sons, Amenmesse and Seti II, would have a destabilizing effect on Egyptian politics.  The royal intrigues carried over into the Twentieth Dynasty, where drought and famine conspired to make a bad situation intolerable. 

The internecine conflict which defined the latter part of the Ramesside Period, along with corruption and a general lack of confidence in royal leadership, brought an end to the New Kingdom.  On the death of Ramesses XI the kingdom again fell into factions and Egypt entered its Third Intermediate Period.  While not as tumultuous as the previous Intermediate Periods, Egypt at the beginning of the First Millennium BC was a nation divided. 

Pharaoh Pinedjem I (Photo by Lamerie)

As authority at the capital in Memphis collapsed, a member of one of the powerful noble families of the Delta Region, Smendes, proclaimed a new ruling house.  The Twenty-First Dynasty, based at Tanis, would assume control of Lower (northern) Egypt.  Meanwhile, the current High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem I, would use the influence of his office to declare himself ruler of Upper (southern) Egypt, establishing a sort of theocracy based at Thebes.

Relations between the two ruling factions were actually highly integrated early in the Third Intermediate Period.  Pinedjem I was not entirely without a connection to the previous dynasty, having married a daughter of Pharaoh Ramesses XI named Henuttawy.  Smendes I likewise married a daughter of Ramesses XI, Tentamun, making the two kings brothers-in-law via the royal house.  Psusennes I, the third pharaoh to sit on the throne at Tanis, was actually the son of the Theban ruler Pinedjem and his wife.

Divine Adoratrice and God’s Wife, Maatkare (Drawing by Lepsius Denkmahler)

On proclaiming himself Pharaoh of Upper Egypt, Pinedjem I named his daughter, Maatkare, God’s Wife of Amun and Divine Adoratrice.  While it is not certain that this was the point where the two offices merged into one, all clearly attested God’s Wives following Maatkare also held the title of Adoratrice.  It is also during the tenure of Maatkare that the tradition of the God’s Wife remaining celibate and “adopting” her successor began.  Although the God’s Wife and Adoratrice Iset had never married, her successor Tyti did, so celibacy as a requirement does not seem to begin until Maatkare.

The celibacy requirement undoubtedly had religious significance, but very likely served a political purpose as well.  As we saw in The Rise of Thebes, The Rise of Amun, one way Ahmose I controlled access to the royal throne was by prohibiting royal princesses from marrying anyone except their brothers, thus preventing anyone from marrying into the line of succession.  Celibacy would have certainly achieved the same result.  As Ian Shaw and Paul Nicholson observe regarding the God’s Wives of this period:

She was barred from marriage, remaining a virgin; therefore she had to adopt the daughter of the next king as heiress to her office.  In this way the king sought to ensure that he always held power in Thebes and also prevented elder daughters from aiding rival claimants to the throne.  (p. 113)

Princess Henuttawy, adopted by Maatkare to succeed her as Adoratrice and God’s Wife (Drawing by Lepsius Denkmahler)

As mentioned above, another link with the succession of pharaohs was the practice of the God’s Wife adopting a daughter of the future king as her own successor.  As with both celibacy and royal intrafamilial marriages (which sounds so much more polite than incest), the practice of adopting the next God’s Wife from within the royal lineage kept power consolidated to the immediate family of the king.  These adoptions became increasingly important as having a daughter in the position of God’s Wife of Amun became associated with the king’s legitimacy.

As for the merging of the offices of the Divine Adoratrice and the God’s Wife, one possible explanation is that the adopted successor may have been called the Adoratrice while in a sort of apprenticeship to the current God’s Wife.  This would mean that the two positions were not technically the same post, but it would explain why all God’s Wives after Maatkare also held the title of Adoratrice.  To explore this possibility, let’s take a brief jump ahead to the Late Kingdom Period.

Synthesis via Adoption?  The Late Kingdom Period

Pharaoh Psamtik I, from the tomb of Pabasa (Photo by Neithsabes)

Pharaoh Psamtik I, the first king of the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty, was in many ways the Ahmose of the Late Kingdom Period.  He even had a Kamose-like forerunner, Necho I, who is sometimes credited with being the first king of the new dynasty.  A delta king from the Saite line of nobles, Psamtik reunited Egypt after the Third Intermediate Period by peacefully reclaiming Thebes and declaring independence from the Assyrians.

Also like Ahmose, Psamtik erected a stele that was similar in function to the Donation Stele, called the Adoption Stele.  At the time when Psamtik re-annexed Thebes, a God’s Wife of the previous ruling dynasty named Shepenwepet II was still in office.  Complicating matters further, Shepenwepet had already adopted a successor—Amenirdis II—who held the title of Adoratrice apparently as an indicator of her status as the heir apparent to Shepenwepet’s office. 

Princess Nitocris, from the tomb of Pabasa (Photo by Neithsabes)

In the Adoption Stele, Psamtik lays out the conditions under which his own daughter, Nitocris, was to be adopted into the line of God’s Wives.  Rather than depose Amenirdis, the new pharaoh worked within the existing system to introduce his daughter into the fold.

Now indeed I heard that a king’s daughter is there, the Horus high of crowns, the good god [Pharaoh Taharqa, father of Amenirdis II], true of voice, whom he gave to his sister [God’s Wife Shepenwepet II] to be her eldest daughter [i.e., her adopted heir to the position of God’s Wife] and who is there as Divine Adoratrice.  I will not do, namely, what is not to be done, removing an heir from his [in this case “his” refers to the Adoratrice Amenirdis II] throne, since I am a king who loves just order (Ma’at)…Now then I will give her [his daughter, Nitocris] to her [Adoratrice Amenirdis II] as an eldest daughter [i.e., adopted heir] like she was made for the sister of her father [God’s Wife Shepenwepet II].  (Bryan, 2003, p. 8, bracketed statements are my additions)

Shepenwepet II, the Nubian God’s Wife when Thebes surrendered to Psamtik I (Photo by Néfermaât)

This is not really as complex as it sounds.  When Thebes, previously under the control of the Nubian Twenty-Fifth Dynasty, surrendered to King Psamtik I, there was a Nubian God’s Wife named Shepenwepet already in place.  Shepenwepet had already adopted Amenirdis as her heir, and as such, Amenirdis held the title of Divine Adoratrice.  When Shepenwepet died or stepped down, Amenirdis would then become God’s Wife, and would then adopt an heir of her own who would become the Divine Adoratrice.

As part of legitimizing his claim as pharaoh, Psamtik wanted to install his own daughter, Nitocris, as the God’s Wife of Amun, but as “a king who loves just order,” he promised in the Adoption Stele to not remove the current God’s Wife or her heir from office, instead offering Nitocris to be adopted by Amenirdis as her own heir and Adoratrice.  Thus, the line to God’s Wife becomes Shepenwepet II to Amenirdis II, then Amenirdis II to Nitocris.

One thing that we can draw from all of this is that, at least at the time of the Adoption Stele, it seems that the Divine Adoratrice may have been a title associated with the adopted heir of the current God’s Wife.  From this perspective it might be more accurate to say that rather than merging into a single position, the Divine Adoratrice and God’s Wife had been combined into a single career track.  But even this would not be entirely correct, as full-fledged God’s Wives were sometimes referred to as the Adoratrice. 

Both possibilities are not mutually exclusive—the adopted God’s-Wives-in-training may have been called Adoratrices, and upon becoming full-fledged God’s Wives may have employed both titles interchangeably.  What is undeniable is that by the Late Kingdom Period there were no Divine Adoratrices who did not go on to become the God’s Wife.  In this sense, the two titles became inseparable, whether synonymous or not.

We can also see from the Adoption Stele that Psamtik understood the significance of having a daughter in the post of God’s Wife.  Since the God’s Wife adopted as her successor the daughter of the future king, the lineage of God’s Wives should logically reflect the royal line.  Although Psamtik was already king, and had chosen not to usurp the existing line of God’s Wives, he wanted assurances that his daughter would become a God’s Wife of Amun in her turn. 

While it could be argued that Psamtik was driven more by the symbolic importance of Nitocris becoming a God’s Wife than by any social status women may have held, he at least respected the office itself, as evidenced by his decision to have his daughter adopted into the line.  Rather than “do that which is not to be done,” removing the legitimate claimant to the position of God’s Wife, Psamtik played by the rules.

In the next article, House of the Adoratrice Part 2:  Demesne of the God’s Wife, we will take our closest look yet at the Donation Stele as we pay a visit to the Court of Pharaoh Ahmose on the auspicious occasion of the purchase of the office of the Second Priesthood of Amun for his wife, Ahmose-Nefertari, who was already the God’s Wife.  We will conduct a detailed inventory of the stele and put the wealth and influence of the House of the Adoratrice into context before looking at each Eighteenth Dynasty God’s Wife of Amun individually.

Works Cited

Bart, Anneke.  Online:  Ancient Egypt:  God’s Wife of Amun.

Bryan, Betsy.  “The Eighteenth Dynasty before the Amarna Period.”  The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt.  Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000.  218-271.

—–  “Property and the God’s Wives of Amun.”  Paper from the conference “Women and Property,” organized and collected by Deborah Lyons and Raymond Westbrook.  Boston:  Harvard U, Ctr for Hellenic Stds, 2003.  Available for download here.

Dodson, Aidan, and Dyan Hilton.  The Complete Royal Families of Ancient Egypt. London: Thames & Hudson, 2004.

Shaw, Ian, and Paul T. Nicholson.  The Dictionary of Ancient Egypt.  London: Harry N. Abrams, 2003.

Wilkinson, Richard H.  The Complete Temples of Ancient Egypt.  New York: Thames & Hudson, 2000.

Copyright by Keith Payne, 2010.  All rights reserved.

Photo “Egypte louvre 011” by Guillaume Blanchard is used in accordance with the Creative Commons 1.0 Generic License.  Photo “Pinedjem I – 221511956_38f5635ff2_b” by Lamerie is used in accordance with the Creative Commons 2.0 Generic License.  Photos “AhmoseI-StatueHead MetropolitanMuseum” by Keith Schengili-Roberts and “Shepenwepet II” by Néfermaât are used in accordance with the Creative Commons 2.5 Generic License.  Photos “Psammetique_Ier_TPabasa” and “Nitocris_Ier_TPabasa” by Neithsabes are in the public domain, as are the illustrations “maatkare 03082480”, “Duatentopet”, and “Henuttawy” by  Lepsius Denkmahler.  “Adoratrice Seniseneb,” a reproduction of a tomb painting by Norman de Garis Davies, is from the Metropolitan Museum of Art and is used in accordance with the Fair Use doctrine—all rights reserved.  Photos “Neferetiabet”,   “colossal head of Hatshepsut”, “08 Ramesses II and Horus”, “Queen Mut-Tuya”, and “Thutmose iii B” are by Jon Bodsworth and have been kindly released to the public domain.

In Edfu Part One:  Ancient Djeba we will look at the history of this ancient mid-sized town that shattered the myth of Egypt being a “civilization without cities.”

Aerial view of Tell Edfu and the Great Temple (Courtesy of Google Maps)

Edfu is the modern name of the ancient capital of the Nome of Horus in Upper Egypt, and it has long been sacred to that deity, particularly in his role as Horus of Behdet.  For those familiar with Egypt, the name Edfu usually conjures up an image of the majestic pylons fronting the Great Temple of Horus that was constructed there during the Ptolemaic Dynasty.  But the town itself has a much older history. 

The Tell Edfu Project, headed up by Dr. Nadine Moeller of the Oriental Institute of Chicago, has shown that a thriving town once existed on the site, with roots going at least as far back as the Old Kingdom. 

Long before the Ptolemies built their grand temple, Edfu served as an important political, religious, and economic center throughout much of ancient Egypt’s history.  In a future article we will look at the Great Temple of Horus in detail and explore what we know of the beautiful and complex rites performed there in honor of Horus, Hathor, and Harsomtus.  But in this article will be focusing on the ancient town, particularly as it has been revealed by the Tell Edfu Project. 

The pylons of the Great Temple of Horus as seen from Tell Edfu (Photo by Gregory Marouard, Tell Edfu Project)

In ancient times this capital city was known as Djeba, which means “place of retribution,” a reference to the justice meted out to the enemies of Horus, who fought his mythical battle with the god Set at this location.  By the time of the Copts the name was pronounced as Atbo, which has been handed down to us as Edfu.  The sacred name of the city was Wetjeset-Hor, which means “the place where Horus is exalted.”

Tell Edfu—Layers of Egyptian History

The archaeological site, known as Tell Edfu, lies just to the west of the Great Temple of Horus.  In archaeological terms, the word “tell” comes from the Hebrew tel or the Arabic tall, and refers to a mound that forms over time as a result of the by-products of human habitation.  In the case of Tell Edfu, much of the mound is a result of mudbrick structures being built, eroding, and replaced with more mudbrick.  Of course, that is an oversimplification—there is also a thick layer of ash resulting from early industry and a variety of other detritus.  But the layers of the mound at Edfu conceal evidence of occupation from the Byzantine Period all the way back to the Old Kingdom, possibly earlier.

Located at the crossroads between the prosperous mines in the Eastern Desert, Nubia in the south, and the great Oasis of Kharga in the west, Edfu was as much a center of commerce as it was a religious center.  The work of Dr. Moeller, as well as those who preceded her, shows an ancient urban center where foreign and domestic trade was conducted, taxes were paid, and social services were rendered. 

Dr. Nadine Moeller, director of the Tell Edfu Project (Photo by Gregory Marouard, Tell Edfu Project)

The Tell Edfu Project is engaged in what is called “settlement archaeology” which shows more of an everyday view of ancient urban life as opposed to the lifestyles of the rich and famous we normally get from tomb and temple archaeology.  For many years Egyptologists tended to think of Egypt as a “civilization without cities.”  Of course, we knew of Thebes and Memphis, but outside of the major population centers Egypt was thought of as either farmland or desert, with no medium-sized cities to speak of.  But nothing could be further from the truth.

The earliest part of the tell excavated thus far is the Old Kingdom enclosure, which extends from the western walls of the Great Temple into the lower part of what is called the North Quarry.  The North and South Quarries are sections of the Tell that were stripped down to the natural bedrock in the last century by local farmers who used the soil and mudbrick remains to bolster their fields.  Fortunately much of the Old Kingdom part of town was left intact, including remains of the old city walls that run along the west side of the Old Kingdom section and then angle east in the direction of the Mammasi (a much later addition associated with the Great Temple).

View of Tell Edfu and the Great Temple of Horus from the South Quarry area (Photo by Gloria Euyoque)

In the northern part of the Old Kingdom enclosure five walls were exposed and left in place by the farmers who quarried the area in modern times.  Ceramic artifacts found in the vicinity allow these walls to be dated to the time of the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties.  Additional pottery fragments found in a nearby structure show that administrative functions were carried out from the Old Kingdom Period through the Middle Kingdom Period without interruption.  In fact, seal impressions recovered from this area indicate that this part of Tell Edfu served as an administrative center well into the Second Intermediate Period.

The excavation area showing the layers that make up the tell (Photo by Gregory Marouard, Tell Edfu Project)

Great Chief Isi:  From Excellent Leaders Come Happy Citizens

One of the beloved city patriarchs of the Old Kingdom Period was Isi, the “Great Chief of the Nome of Edfu,” whose career spanned the rules of Pharaohs Djedkare and Unas of the Fifth Dynasty and Teti of the Sixth.  His long rule was apparently happy times for the people of Edfu, which was not the case elsewhere in the country.  Isi’s legacy was a city prepared for rough times, which earned him the adoration of his people for centuries to come.

Isi constructed a large mastaba for himself in the Old Kingdom Cemetery that lies in the southwestern section of Tell Edfu, just beyond the Middle Kingdom enclosure walls.  By incorporating elements of already-existing mastabas into his own, Isi created for himself a nice little complex complete with a courtyard and a corridor that led to a cult chapel where he would be worshipped as a god much later.

Isi’s tomb seems to have been repaired and possibly renovated during the Seventeenth Dynasty, when his mastaba became the center of a local cult devoted to him.  The presence of devotional stelae in the corridor and courtyard show that his cult thrived until well into the Middle Kingdom Period.  There is also a Middle Kingdom addition to the Old Kingdom Cemetery, possibly added so his faithful could be near him in the afterlife. 

One may infer that some of Isi’s popularity may be a result of his policies.  When the prosperity Isi’s constituents enjoyed is compared to the national situation, it is clear he was a highly effective administrator.  Edfu was a robust little city at a time when much of the rest of Egypt was in serious decline.

The late Fifth and Early Sixth Dynasties were a time when Egypt was hurtling toward the First Intermediate Period.  But even as famine and warfare were destabilizing most of the country, Edfu was entering a boom period.  Provincial leaders throughout Egypt were enjoying increased power and independence at the expense of the pharaohs, but the decentralization of pharaonic power alone cannot account for Edfu’s growth and stability.  Chief Isi clearly exemplifies a line of local rulers who knew how to wield their new powers.

As the bottom was falling out everywhere else, Edfu was expanding.  City enclosure walls built during the First Intermediate Period stretch from the northwestern corner of the tell all the way to the southwestern corner, in the vicinity of the Old Kingdom Cemetery.  Although most of the architecture from this period was destroyed by the quarrying of the last century, the enclosure walls alone show that Edfu nearly doubled in size during First Intermediate Period.

Looking west across the north quarry toward the First Intermediate Period enclosure wall (Photo by Girolame)

In addition to the enclosure walls, Dr. Moeller’s team discovered pottery shards, fragments of administrative seals, and jar stoppers in the Old Kingdom section of Edfu showing that commerce and government continued unabated through the First Intermediate Period.  Judging from the abundance of ostraca related to accounting alone, in Edfu it was always business as usual.

The Administrative Center

The Tell Edfu Project has spent a great deal of effort carefully excavating the area within the Old Kingdom enclosure walls because that was the least disturbed section.  As fortune would have it, this area seems to have been the administrative center of town, and remained such even after the expansion of the Second Intermediate Period.   One of the most dramatic finds was a great columned hall dating from the late Middle Kingdom Period, another monument to Edfu’s confidence when facing an approaching storm.

Column bases from the late Middle Kingdom administrative center, with Seventeenth Dynasty silos partially visible (Photo by Gregory Marouard, Tell Edfu Project)

The hall appears to date from the Twelfth Dynasty at end of the Middle Kingdom and the Thirteenth Dynasty at the beginning of the Second Intermediate Period.  Showing again Edfu’s propensity for stability during times of trouble, the Tell Edfu Project found discarded scarab seal impressions, evidence of sealed papyri, and ceramic jars and stoppers and boxes from this time.  The court of Edfu remained a hive of civil and economic activity from the Middle Kingdom straight through the Second Intermediate Period.

The columned room measured at least 30 by 40 feet and contained sixteen large wooden columns mounted on sandstone bases, five of which have been located in place (the bases, not the columns).  The hall was probably a part of the governor’s palace, and Dr. Moeller thinks it was probably in use for a considerable period of time.  Even after the administrative center was moved elsewhere, the courtyard was converted into a granary that shows continued prosperity.

The Granary

Built in the area once occupied by the columned hall, the Tell Edfu Project discovered the remains of eight very large silos, the largest discovered in any Egyptian urban center to date.  Built of mudbrick and sunk slightly lower than the floor of the courtyard, the silos were between 18 to 22 feet in diameter and probably stood over 25 feet tall.  Despite the thinness of their walls, which were only one to two bricks thick, there is no evidence of any of the silos having collapsed while in use.  The silos date from the Seventeenth Dynasty, toward the end of the Second Intermediate Period.

Did these disproportionately large silos serve as a depot for Theban royalty during their conflict with the Hyksos? (Photo by Gregory Marouard, Tell Edfu Project)

It is thought that the silos would have stored barley and wheat, which would have been collected as taxes and used in trade to support the local economy.  However, it seems that there may have been more going on at Edfu’s granary than storage of local stock.  Granaries were common in Egyptian cities, but the size and number of silos at Edfu are out of proportion for the town’s size. 

Dr. Moeller’s team speculates that part of the Theban royal family of the Seventeenth Dynasty may have had its roots in Edfu and that locals may have used this clout to expand their operations during this time.  The Edfu granary may have served as a depot, being in a strategic location for Thebes during this tumultuous time.

Dr. Moeller with some of the grain silos of Tell Edfu (Photo by Gregory Marouard, Tell Edfu Project)

When the granary was scaled back, some of the silos were used for collecting rubbish—always a treasure trove for archaeologists.  In one of the abandoned silos, the Tell Edfu Project discovered thirty ostraca which included ration lists and the names and titles of various Edfu officials and administrators of the Second Intermediate Period.

Changing Times, Changing Neighborhoods

The New Kingdom Period marked a time of transition for Edfu, and it appears that during this period the granary in the Old Kingdom enclosure was decommissioned and administrative functions were moved elsewhere.  The New Kingdom town center has not been identified yet, and we can only hope it did not lie in either of the areas quarried for their soil and minerals. 

What is clear is that no new construction took place in the Old Kingdom neighborhood, which appears to have served as a dump.  There is also a heavy layer of ash, in some parts of the courtyard as much as 8.5 feet thick.  The quantity of ash does not seem to be indicative of a catastrophic fire, but rather as the result of industrial functions, such as ash from the ovens of bakeries.

There is evidence that Seti I, Ramesses II, and Ramesses III may have done some building in and around Edfu during this time, and shards of imported Mycenaean pottery indicate that trade continued during the New Kingdom Period.  For the most part, however, the archaeological record for this period is either still awaiting discovery or has been destroyed.

Pharaohs Shabaka and Nectanebo II commissioned some work in the Edfu area during the Late Kingdom Period, but the most interesting discovery from this time is what could very well be the ruins of an Osiris chapel build by Psamtik I.  In the 1921-22 digging season, Henri Henne of the Institute for Egyptology in Lille excavated what appeared to be a small chapel which he dated to the Late Kingdom or Ptolemaic Period.  Dr. Moeller believes that the remains may be those of the Osiris Chapel.

During the Late Kingdom Period baboons, such as these depicted at Karnak, were associated with the god Osiris (Photo by Rick Manwaring)

The site Henne excavated contained two large stone door jambs, two sandstone baboons, a uraeus frieze and other decorative stone architectural elements.  A large number of Osiris bronzes were discovered in the area, which together with the baboons, seem to indicate an Osirian motif for the chapel.

Unfortunately, Henne did not leave good records of his work in the chapel area, making it difficult for the Tell Edfu Project to resume where he left off.  Making matters worse, there are no foundations or walls remaining to demark the chapel proper, so an accurate reconstruction will require more excavation, if it is possible at all.

The Tell Edfu Project has not only revealed much about the history of Edfu, but has forced a re-evaluation of the nature of ancient Egyptian urban centers.  Far from being a civilization without cities, ancient Egypt had mid-sized towns that served much as modern mid-sized cities do today.  As a crossroads for ancient interstates, a junction for domestic and foreign trade, and a depot for larger cities, Edfu was a vital element of the Theban economy, an important trading partner with Nubia, and a cultural center for Upper Egypt.

The Great Temple of Osiris as seen from the area of the north quarry, near the First Intermediate Period enclosure walls (Photo by Daniel Csörföly)

In Edfu Part Two we will pick up with the Ptolemaic Period and the wonderful temple built during that time.

Additional Online Resources

The Tell Edfu Project

The official website of the Tell Edfu Project has all the Annual Reports in pdf format, along with 360-degree panoramic displays using Microsoft’s Photosynth.

Egyptian Monuments

The articles Hierakonpolis, El-Kab, and The Temple of Horus at Edfu, by Su Bayfield, all have excellent information about Edfu and the surrounding area.

Talking Pyramids

Administration Building & Silos found at Edfu, Vincent Brown’s coverage of the Tell Edfu Project.  Vincent also has some wonderful photography related to the Ptolemaic Temple, but that is more relevant to Edfu Part Two, now in the works.

 Tour Egypt

Edfu, by Marie Parsons.

Copyright by Keith Payne, 2009.  All rights reserved.

The photos “080701 TellEdfu-print,” “080701 silos-print,” “080701 excavationarea,” “080701 columnedhall-print,” “080701 moeller1_print,” and “080701 moeller2_print” by G. Marouard are available in larger and higher resolution format as downloads from The University of Chicago.  Photos “Temple of Edfu” by Girolame, “IMG_1136” by Gloria Euyoque, and “2009-09-22 at 17-52-46,” by Rick Manwaring are all used in accordance with this CC Attribution 2.0 Generic license.  Photo “EdfuHorusTempleEgypt LeftSide 2007feb7-84 byDanielCsorfoly” by Daniel Csörföly is public domain.  Satellite image of Tell Edfu is courtesy of Google Maps.